What is remembered is determined by the dominant motivations, interests, prejudices and limitations of societies. As these shift with time, new pieces of human legacy can begin to float to the surface of popular consciousness.

As part of our Queering the Collections series, we are highlighting under-known material from our holdings, either by queer individuals, groups and movements or containing queer themes or content. This project allows us to shine a greater light upon work of human endeavour, which we feel hasn’t had the level of attention it perhaps deserves. This project of discovery has already begun to unearth thought-provoking material, which is often as unique as the individuals who produced it.

Background

For long periods, the writing and intellectual work of women, especially lesbian women, has been actively discouraged, knocked back, suppressed or, if written or produced, not allowed to be remembered very well by history. Britain in the 19th century was largely not a forgiving place for its female thinkers: many women who did put their thoughts out into society did so under pseudonyms or would anonymise their work. In fiction writing and poetry, sizeable strides forward were taken in the publishing of work by women such as Jane Austen (1775-1817), Mary Shelley (1797-1851), Elizabeth Barrett Browning (1806-1861), Elizabeth Gaskell (1810-1865), George Eliot (1819-1880) and Christina Rossetti (1830-1894). For women working outside of fiction or poetry however, things were more difficult (a rare exception being The Life of Mary Prince, published in 1831).

_{Portrait and title pages from Life of Frances Power Cobbe (1894) Reference: R705}

One person who managed to blaze a trail despite this, during her lifetime, was a near-forgotten Victorian philosopher, lesbian and figure in the women’s suffrage movement, Frances Power Cobbe (1822-1904). Writing almost entirely under her own name, Cobbe offered essays, articles and longer-form pieces of writing which mostly sit within the fields of philosophy, theology and politics: fields heavily dominated by men at the time. She utilised her social standing afforded to her by being a member of the prominent Cobbe family of Ireland, to amplify her voice within society, as well as to provide helpful connections for the publishing of her works.

Finding the time to write was another matter. As noted in her autobiography, writing was slotted in alongside other responsibilities:

‘I had a great deal else to do… to direct our household, entertain our guests, carry on the feminine correspondence of the family, teach in my village school twice a week or so… My leisure for writing and for the preliminary reading for writing, was principally at night or in the early morning.’

– Frances Power Cobbe

It’s worth noting that there is a social class subtext which can be taken from this description. That being, that working-class women of the time would’ve found it even more difficult, if not impossible, to pursue writing due to a much greater lack of time, connections and resource than those available to Cobbe.

Getting her earlier work published was still not necessarily plain-sailing, despite her connections. She describes meeting a London publisher, ‘Mr. Longman politely veiled a smile and adopted the voice of friendly dissuasion from my enterprise, looking no doubt on a young lady (as I still was) as a very unpromising author for a treatise on Kantian ethics!’ He did however agree to publish the work, this being her first book in 1855, Essay on the Theory of Intuitive Morals.

Unlike the rest of her writing (which is published under her name), this first print of her first book was published anonymously. Cobbe notes that she had her father in mind when making this decision, ‘I had all along told my father (though, alas! to his displeasure) that I was going to publish a book; of course, anonymously, to save him annoyance.’

Cobbe documented the following in response to reviews of her first book, ‘It was amusing to see that not one of my critics had a suspicion they were dealing with a woman’s work. They all said, “He reasons clearly.” “It is a most noble performance,” (said the Caledonian Mercury) “the work of a masculine and lofty mind.”‘ She continues:

‘A rumour at last went out that a woman was the writer of this “able and attractive but deceptive and dangerous work,” and then the criticisms were barbed with sharper teeth. “The writer,” (says the Christian Observer) “we are told, is a lady, but there is nothing feeble or even feminine in the tone of the work… Our dislike is increased when we are told it is a female (!) who has propounded so unfeminine and stoical a theory.”‘

– Frances Power Cobbe

This was a common practice of the time, for male critics to often disparage the work of women writers, frequently reviewing their works not on literary merit but on whether they conformed to traditional ideals of femininity.

In this rigid ‘male-equals-masculine-only, female-equals-feminine-only’ structure for non-fiction writing, there wasn’t much room for other styles of writing or subjects and topics to emerge. And certainly not anything written by women. Despite a boom in the publishing of essays in journals (which Cobbe and other women writers benefitted from) non-fiction writing in any form was subject to the same misogynistic pressures which were being applied in all areas of 19th century British society. The world in which Cobbe was writing was filled with scientific, medical, and social texts that sought to define and limit women’s roles, abilities, and public influence. These texts often used biological determinism and appeals to social order to justify the subordination of women. 

_{Page from Sex in Education: A Fair Chance for the Girls (1874) Reference: F8.1 C33
Edward Hammond Clarke, c. 1868. Harvard University Archives, HUP Clarke, Edward H. (1), Harvard Class of 1868 Album.​ Public domain
Title page from Sex in Education: A Fair Chance for the Girls (1874) Reference: F8.1 C33}

Physicians and scientists often presented theories claiming women were biologically inferior to men. Physician Edward H. Clarke (1820-1877) argued that intense study would divert blood flow from the reproductive organs to the brain, damaging women’s health and making them unable to have children. Such ideas, though lacking scientific methodology, were widely read and had significant influence, reinforcing the idea that education was physically dangerous for women. His most-read text which contained these thoughts, Sex in Education: or, A Fair Chance for the Girls (1873) sits in our History of Medicine collections. Naturally our reading of the work today is very different from that of the typical 1873 reader.

Another book which would’ve had an impact on Cobbe and her contemporaries was The Young Lady’s Book: A Manual of Elegant Recreations, Exercises, and Pursuits a guide which detailed socially acceptable pastimes for young women, covering etiquette, arts, nature studies and physical activities. It ran into several editions, the edition we hold is from 1832, when Cobbe was a child. These very entrenched limits of what women could or should do was all-too commonplace, no doubt Cobbe saw this as something to work against and ultimately change.

_{Portrait of Cobbe from Carte de visite album (1860-1880) Reference: VPH.332
Preface page from Life of Frances Power Cobbe (1894) Reference: R705}

Knowing this was the climate in which Cobbe was writing makes her achievement, of being one of the first women to be published in 19th century, non-fiction print, even more remarkable. As an aside, the Boke of Saint Albans (1486) is the first English print authored by a woman, Juliana Berners (1388-1460) and is also contained in our collections.

The reasons will be numerous, for it being specifically Cobbe who was the one to change the landscape of non-fiction writing. I’ve touched upon some of the reasons already – such as her privileged background and the connections that afforded to her. That’s not to mention her innate talent, which would speak for itself if she was publishing in our times, but which wasn’t the case in the 19th century.

What other potential reason could there be, which was unique to her? Although the points and analyses she was making in her writing were different from most which were being published, the style of her writing very much matched what publishers were looking for – her work was always well researched and was delivered with a confident authority. As noted by Cobbe herself in the reviews of her first book (see above), her style was noted as being ‘masculine’. In the lexicon of 19th century male literary reviewers this can be taken to mean ‘male’ and therefore ‘legitimate’. Remember, the first edition of her first book was published anonymously, with the reviewers then assuming the writer was male. The reviews they provided, therefore, can be seen like the results of a blind taste test – one where true reactions are unearthed without the person responding based on prejudice or preference, instead taking things at face value.

With her work being considered masculine, what might this mean and why might this be? To answer these questions, a queer reading of her work and situation could be useful.

Before that, it’s worth identifying and discounting an alternative idea first. It could be fair to assume that perhaps Cobbe mimicked the style of published material in order to increase the chances of hers being published. This idea falls away however when you realise that the writing style of her published work matches that of the style in her personal correspondence. Her literary voice was very distinctive, personal and fixed.

A queer reading would say that, by being a butch lesbian, Cobbe’s female masculinity was foregrounded, which shaped the way she thought and expressed ideas. It would therefore have influenced her literary voice, thereby making it perhaps read as more masculine than other women writers and perhaps closer to (but not the same as) male writers.

This is fairly subjective ground and this reading is based on assumptions, albeit fairly well-thought-out ones. These readings are an imprecise, yet often valuable, technique when looking at queer individuals from the past. The reading is necessary to include here, as Cobbe’s sexuality and identity could perhaps have given her an (lesser-thought-about) advantage in getting her writing published.

Whether Cobbe was a butch lesbian or not, we’ll never know for certain. She would never have used that term herself, as the terms are new but the life-approach isn’t. I’m using this term for the benefit of contemporary readers familiar with the term, in order for them to better understand Cobbe.

Her approach to dress (seen in photographs and portraits) and writing style give a strong hint of butch-ness (speaking in general terms). But this isn’t all, further clues exist in the language she uses to describe her relationship with Mary Lloyd (1819-1896) (more information in ‘Relationships with women’ section below), whom she described both as “my wife” and “my husband” in letters and poems. This intimate, loving language also shows Cobbe’s playful and malleable approach to gender norms and expectations – the terms of ‘wife’ and ‘husband’ are more fixed in heterosexual relationships but can carry less importance in some queer relationships. Partners can switch between roles (and their expectations) depending on situations, sometimes with tongue-in-cheek, sometimes not. This is usually present in butch-femme lesbian relationships, which Cobbe and Lloyd’s may have been.

If this is to be the case, then they would enter a roster of many pioneering women who followed a similar approach to dress, character and relationships. The best examples being – in a slightly earlier time period there was the diarist, Anne Lister (1791-1840), also known as Gentleman Jack. Later there was the American writer, Amy Lowell (1874-1925) and in Britain, the poet Radclyffe Hall (1880-1943) and her relationship with sculptor, Una Vincenzo, Lady Troubridge (1887-1963). Portraits of whom sit in major collections such as the National Portrait Gallery and the Smithsonian American Art Museum (see below).

_{Radclyffe Hall, c. 1930 bromide print. Unknown photographer: National Portrait Gallery. Public domain
Una Vincenzo, Lady Troubridge by Romaine Brooks, 1924. Smithsonian American Art Museum. Public domain}

To draw a parallel between Cobbe and Lister, in her book Unsuitable: A History of Lesbian Fashion (2024), Eleanor Medhurst says Lister, ‘could be a nineteenth-century example of butch lesbianism (although nameless at the time): the specific form of womanhood that is masculine, but does not necessarily pass as male’.

Regardless of the reasons behind her being published, the wide-reaching exposure Cobbe received had to be backed up with something. And it was, namely an insightful eye, an instinctive intelligence and wisdom, gathered together through a unique lived experience and an agile imagination. Her sexuality surely contributed to her distinctive viewpoint on women’s rights and women’s suffrage, a movement she dedicated many pieces of writing and active campaigning to (more on that in the ‘Activism’ section below).

Relationships with women

Cobbe formed many important relationships with women across her lifetime, in all forms. Here, the main ones are covered, as they help us understand the woman behind her writing to an even greater degree.

While working at the Red Lodge Reformatory for Girls in Bristol, England between 1858-1859 her relationship with the reformatory’s founder Mary Carpenter (1807-1877) was said to have been fractious (which goes some way to explaining Cobbe’s short stay). The pair’s outlooks were certainly aligned around feminism and social reform, so any tensions would likely have been character-based or over working practices. Despite this, the experience seems to have had an impact on Cobbe, contributing to her ‘intense interest’ on girl’s and women’s education and ‘in the legislation which might possibly mitigate the evils of crime and pauperism’. The connection looks to have been mutually impactful with Carpenter’s nephew, Joseph Estlin Carpenter (1844-1927) going on to pen In Memoriam to Frances Power Cobbe (1933), highlighting a staying power (pun intended) amongst the Carpenters.

_{Photograph of Mary Carpenter by C. Vass Bark, in the possession of J. E. Carpenter. Public domain
Photograph of Mary Carpenter in Red Lodge from Life of Frances Power Cobbe (1894) Reference: R705}

Cobbe spent significant time living in and traveling through Italy during the 1860s. Following her father’s death in 1857, she used her inheritance to travel extensively, forming a lasting attachment to Italy, which she visited regularly over the next 20 years.

In 1861-62, she stayed in Rome with a community of mostly lesbian artists and writers, including actor, Charlotte Cushman (1816-1876) and her partner, the sculptor, Emma Stebbins (1815-1882). While in Italy, she acted as an Italian correspondent for the Daily News. She wrote her book Italics: Notes of Italian Travel (1864) while staying in Nervi, near Genoa.

During her visits, she met with notable figures such as novelist, Isa Blagden (1816/1817-1873), sculptor, Harriet Hosmer (1830-1908), the earlier-mentioned poet, Elizabeth Barrett Browning and scientist Mary Somerville (1780-1872).

She records her observations on the social and cultural differences between Italian and English women in her essay, Women In Italy (1862). From this, it’s clear to see the effect spending time in Italy with creative, freethinking women had on her. These experiences ultimately helped form her thoughts on women’s rights and education, solidifying her conviction in the advancement of women’s lives back in Britain.

_{Anna Klumpke in her studio c. 1885. Photograph: Frick Art Reference Library Archives. Public domain
Charlotte Cushman, seated, with Emma Stebbins. Photograph: Harvard Theatre Collection, Houghton Library. Public domain
Rosa Bonheur, seated, with Anna Klumpke c. 1898. Photograph: Château Rosa Bonheur. Public domain}

It was in Rome, in the winter of 1862, that she met the Welsh sculptor Mary Lloyd, who became her partner for 34 years. It said it was Cushman who first introduced them. Lloyd was trained by the renowned French painter, Rosa Bonheur (1822-1899), pictured above with her partner Anna Klumpke (1856-1942). They maintained a close friendship and creative connection throughout their lives.

The meeting between Cobbe and Lloyd marked the beginning of a shared life in both London and Wales (at Hengwrt) where they were recognised by friends as a couple, with correspondence often addressed to “you and Miss Lloyd”. Following Lloyd’s death in 1896, Cobbe was devastated, writing to women’s suffrage leader, Millicent Fawcett (1847-1929) that the loss was a “mortal blow” and she had to learn how to live without the one who “shared all my thoughts and feelings so long”. They’re buried together in Llanelltyd, Wales.

_{Photograph of Hengwrt where Cobbe and Mary Lloyd lived together from Life of Frances Power Cobbe (1894) Reference: R705}

Women’s rights and suffrage

When it comes to activism and campaigning, there were three main areas which Cobbe committed her life to – women’s rights and suffrage, anti-vivisection (scientific experimentation on animals) and anti-slavery. This section and the next cover those areas.

Cobbe wrote many essays and had them distributed widely in pamphlets, as a means of communicating her ideas on the condition of women in Britain. In Essays on the Pursuits of Women (1863), she argues for the expansion of women’s education, employment opportunities, and legal rights. She further challenges some contemporary views of her time, such as: ‘we must make the utmost efforts to promote marriage by emigration of women to the colonies’. Also challenging the idea that a woman’s ‘usefulness’ should be decided on whether they were married to a man or not. These essays by Cobbe eloquently cut through that discourse, beginning the fifth essay in the series with, ‘It has become almost a truism to observe that the progress of a nation in civilization must, in a considerable measure, depend on the condition of its women’. In this collection of essays she looks at the situation of women in various parts of society from workhouses to university campuses. Cobbe often offers solutions to improving the situation of women, with a deep moral code (formed through her Christianity) guiding her observations and solutions.

She used the preface of The Duties of Women (1882) to make her stance on the women’s suffrage movement very clear:

‘I have not lost one jot of faith in the righteousness or expediency of our demands. On the contrary, I have seen every year more reason to regard the part hereafter to be played by women in public affairs as offering the best hope for the moral and, still more emphatically, for the spiritual interests of humanity’.

– Frances Power Cobbe

In the 19th century, essays were a useful means of garnering public support for a cause, which could also bring about legislative change in Parliament. Cobbe played a pivotal role in the passing of the Matrimonial Causes Act, 1878 by campaigning against domestic violence, most notably through her 1878 essay, Wife-Torture in England. She argued that severe abuse was a legitimate ground for separation, directly influencing Parliament to pass the Act, which allowed working-class women to obtain legal separation and child custody from violent husbands.

The achievements of the most remembered names of the women’s suffrage movement are mighty, but they’re not the whole story. Most people will have heard of Emmeline (1858-1928), Christabel (1880-1958), and Sylvia Pankhurst (1881-1960), who founded the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), Millicent Fawcett, leader of the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies and martyr Emily Davison (1872-1913) who died after being struck by a horse owned by the King at the Epsom Derby. The Women’s Suffrage Movement Archives we hold give a solid overview from some of the institutions of the movement.

To get a fuller view of the whole movement we must also look to the queer women, who played a significant role but who have often been overlooked in the retelling of its history. The movement was a broad community, made up of members like pioneering composer, Ethel Smyth (1858-1944), who wrote the musical anthem for the WSPU. Smyth took a two-year break from composing (1910-1912) to actively participate in the movement. She was imprisoned for two months in 1912 in Holloway Prison for breaking the window of an anti-suffrage politician. She famously conducted her fellow suffragettes in a rehearsal of The March of the Women using a toothbrush from her prison window.

Evelina Haverfield (1867-1920) was a prominent suffragette, humanitarian, and WWI hero who founded the Women’s Emergency Corps, served as a vital ambulance transport commandant, and established an orphanage in Serbia. She was an active member of the WSPU, frequently participating in demonstrations, fighting with police and enduring imprisonment for women’s voting rights.

Annie Kenney (1879-1953) was a prominent working-class suffragette and a leading figure in the WSPU. She helped ignite the militant suffrage movement in 1905, was arrested 13 times, endured hunger strikes, and became a key organiser and speaker for women’s voting rights.

Vera (Jack) Holme (1881-1969) was an actor, militant suffragette and chauffeur who significantly challenged gender norms in the early 20th century. She is best known for her work with the WSPU, her wartime aid service in Serbia and her open defiance of conventional femininity through her masculine attire and lesbian relationships.

Honourable mentions also go to Annie Williams (1860-1943), Lettice Floyd (1865-1934), Esther Roper (1868-1938), Eva Gore-Booth (1870-1926) and Kathleen Lynn (1874-1955) for their vital contributions.

_{Suffragette chained to a fence. Photograph: The Women’s Library, London School of Economics. Public domain
London – arrest of a suffragette. Photograph: The Library of Congress. Public domain}

In the fight, and it was a fight, for greater rights, women of the movement created exceptionally close bonds, which took form in a multitude of shapes: from the familial and friendly to the romantic and sexual. Unpicking the specificities of these connections has been described as a difficult task, due to an apparent lack of material recording the details. Some possible erasure of the queer parts of their stories by historians has further muddied the waters. But the traces are there, you need only revisit the primary source material, as noted by Diane Atkinson in the writing her book, Rise Up, Women! The Remarkable Lives of the Suffragettes (2018). It gives a strong account of queer women’s contributions to the movement, as well as the relationships they enjoyed. She notes, for example, that Haverfield and Holme “were quite openly a couple and, in fact, they had each other’s initials carved on their bed”.

A recorded talk by writer Hilary McCollum at the National LGBT History Festival in 2017 give further very useful first-hand accounts from the women of the movement about their relationships.

Cobbe saw herself as the ‘philosopher of the women’s movement’. Her campaigning mostly took form in the writing and publishing of essays, so that thoughts on suffrage could enter the public’s mind and in the utilising of her social connections to lobby members of parliament for legislative change. She also maintained close communication with key women in the movement, as a means of providing encouragement, guidance and a mutual transfer of information. She was more likely to be seen with a pen in her hand than a placard, but this multi-pronged approach was ultimately what would bring success to the movement.

Anti-vivisection and anti-slavery

Another movement Cobbe played a role in was as a foundational leader in the anti-vivisection (scientific experimentation on animals) movement in Britain. In 1875, Cobbe founded the Victoria Street Society for the Protection of Animals Liable to Vivisection in London, which was the world’s first organisation campaigning against the use of animals in experiments. This organisation later became known as the National Anti-Vivisection Society (NAVS).

Her work contributed to the passing of the Cruelty to Animals Act, 1876, which set limits on the practice of, and instituted a licensing system for, animal experimentation. Due to her growing frustration that the 1876 Act was not stopping animal suffering, she broke away from the more moderate, regulation-focused Victoria Street Society to form the British Union for the Abolition of Vivisection (BUAV) in 1898. This organisation, which sought a total ban, is now known as Cruelty Free International.

_{Portrait of Abraham Lincoln from Carte de visite album (1860-1880) Reference: VPH.332
Pages from The Red Flag in John Bull’s Eyes (1863) Reference: R107337.6.20}

Cobbe gave her attention to societal events which mattered. During the 1860s, with a civil war being fought in the United States primarily over slavery, Cobbe highlighted slavery as a moral crime and actively called for it to be abolished. Her work was influenced by a wider abolitionist context, viewing the fight against slavery as part of a larger, global struggle for human rights and freedoms.

With the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation by the US President, Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865) on 1 January 1863, beginning the process of ending slavery in the United States, Cobbe penned an essay titled, The Red Flag in John Bull’s Eyes (1863). On its pages (see images above) she challenged a prevailing notion in Britain that the emancipation of enslaved people would trigger violent uprisings. Cobbe directly countered the ‘St. Domingo’ argument, arguing against the notion that emancipation would cause a repeat of the Haitian Revolution‘s bloodshed. She also took issue with the focus of much of the commentary around abolition being on the finances of the slave-holders rather than the evils of one human enslaving another:

‘Thus it has come to pass, that we are now sympathising with the slaveholders struggling against the righteous punishment of ruin which their long oppressions have provoked, rather than with the unoffending victims escaping at last from the ten-fold evils of a cruel servitude.’

– Frances Power Cobbe

Science and religion

The 19th century saw great shifts in technological innovation, social movements, scientific discoveries and religious thought. At the centre of scientific thought in Britain was biologist Charles Darwin (1809-1882). His work, On the Origin of Species (1859) established the foundation of evolutionary biology by proposing that species evolve over generations through natural selection. It was met with widespread, polarised reactions making it both highly acclaimed and intensely controversial. While it was not the first work to deal with evolution, its thorough evidence and introduction of natural selection as the driving mechanism made it a revolutionary moment in science, philosophy, and theology.

His follow-up work The Descent of Man (1871) applied his theory of evolution by natural selection to human beings, arguing that humans are descended from “some less highly organised form” (i.e. a common ancestor with apes). The book focuses on evidence for human evolution, the importance of sexual selection, and the origin of human social and moral faculties. This work arguably caused even greater levels of debate, over whether its central theory was correct or not, than his earlier and better-known Origin of Species. Theologians, religious figures and the media in particular took aim at Darwin’s application of his theory to humans.

Cobbe was one of three people who Darwin sent a version of this work to, in order to receive a critical response. Cobbe contained her response within an essay, Darwinism in Morals (1872). Her contributions in this essay were part of the raging debate around the validity of Darwin’s theories relating to the evolution of species, which was taking place largely between scientific and religions figures around the world. She didn’t necessarily see the two camps as separate however, she instead saw the two as complementing each other. She saw each new scientific discovery as a step closer to understanding God (if understanding was or is possible). She also saw the original Old Testament understanding of the universe’s creation to be, ‘derogatory and insufferable’.

Cobbe certainly bought into Darwin’s creation/origin of species theory. What set her apart from other religiously-orientated commentators would have been one simple thing – her view of humans and their relation to other animal life. From her anti-vivisection endeavours you can see that Cobbe held animal life in high regard, not seeing it as subordinate to human life. So it would not have been a stretch for her to consider Darwin’s suggestion that humans derive from animals as a plausible theory. Placing humans within nature, rather than outside of it, fit within her already set, compassionate thoughts on nature.

_{Photograph of Charles Darwin. Reference: English MS 1404/53
Title page from The Descent of Man (1871) Reference: R209889
Page showing ornaments of monkeys from The Descent of Man (1887) Reference: R209885}

Cobbe describes Darwin as a ‘great teacher’ and this book of his as, ‘doubtless one whose issue will make an era in the history of modern thought’.

In Darwinism in Morals she took Darwin’s theory and saw if it could be applied to morals (this being the field of philosophy she most dedicated herself to). Morals in this sense being, an instinctive code written into all living beings, informing their actions. She reads Darwin’s work as saying that living beings act on instinct alone and ‘there are no such things as Right and Wrong; and our idea that they have existence outside of our own poor little minds is pure delusion’.

She however concludes that ‘the bearings of this doctrine on Morality and on Religion seem to be equally fatal’. Her analysis, despite displaying a nuance and fuller-mindedness, which was absent from other writers covering the same topic, did still arrive at a place that many pieces of religious writing did. That being, ‘the suggestions offered by the highest scientific intellects of our time, to account for its [human conscience] existence on principles which shall leave it on the level of other instincts, have failed to approve themselves as true’ and ‘we are called on to believe still in the validity of our moral consciousness… and rest in the faith… of the human race, in a fixed and supreme Law of which the will of God is the embodiment, and Conscience the Divine transcript’.

Despite Cobbe’s intellectual criticisms, which Darwin is said to have read with interest, their interactions were cordial and professional. They did fall out of favour with one another, although this was due oppositional feelings over the use of animals in scientific experimentation.

The correspondence between Cobbe and Darwin can be seen online, as part of the Darwin Correspondence Project.

_{Portraits of Theodore Parker from Carte de visite album (1860-1880) Reference: VPH.332}

Cobbe’s religious faith is something of great importance to mention, as it informs all of her writings – no matter the topic, everything is considered first from the standpoint of her belief and faith: they form the prism through which everything is filtered. The style of education she received in her formative years encouraged her natural faculties of questioning, critical thinking and reasoning, attuning her beliefs and ethics along with it. Coming from a strong Catholic family, she was brought up in that tradition. As a teenager and young adult she moved away from Catholicism, her faith could be described as having a period of pure theism, mixed with a period of agnosticism, followed by a conversion to Unitarianism upon the influence of Theodore Parker (1810-1860). Unitarianism is a Christian movement which prioritises individual freedom of belief, reason and conscience over strict doctrine.

Parker was a prominent 19th century American Transcendentalist theologian, Unitarian minister, and radical abolitionist whose work significantly influenced social reform and American political rhetoric. As a leader in the anti-slavery movement, he actively fought against the Fugitive Slave Act, 1850 and was known for challenging some traditional Christian doctrines. He had a profound, defining impact on Cobbe, serving as an indirect guide who rescued her from a crisis of faith and inspired her, forming the foundation of her lifelong “system of Theism”.

She encountered Parker’s A Discourse of Matters Pertaining to Religion around 1845, which she described as “epoch making”. His “humane and optimistic” theology allowed her to view divine inspiration as natural rather than miraculous, which restored her faith. Following her discovery of his work, Cobbe entered into prolonged correspondence with Parker. She later met him in Florence, Italy shortly before his death in 1860.

In homage, she meticulously edited and published the multi-volume The Collected Works of Theodore Parker (1863) to promote his liberal theological and social views in England. 

Philosophy

As with her other non-fiction writings, Cobbe’s work as a philosopher entered a field entirely populated by men. She contributed most of her thinking to moral philosophy. 19th century moral philosophy was dominated by utilitarianism, British idealism, and critiques of traditional morality. Key thinkers included John Stuart Mill (1806-1873) (utilitarianism), Søren Kierkegaard (1813-1855) (existential ethics), Karl Marx (1818-1883) (bourgeois morality), T.H. Green (1836-1882) (idealism) and Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) (moral values).

As a philosopher, she was most compared to Mill in her day. Although they existed in the same intellectual landscape, their separate philosophies were quite different however. They held fundamentally opposing ethical foundations – Mill was a utilitarian, while Cobbe was more of an intuitionist/Kantian. Cobbe was a prominent critic of utilitarianism. In her Essay on Intuitive Morals (1855), she argued against “happiness-based” ethics, stating that moral law is an end in itself and that we have a moral duty to do what is right regardless of whether it produces happiness. Despite their theoretical differences, they worked closely on key social issues, primarily around women’s rights and women’s suffrage. They also enjoyed a mutual respect and dialogue was maintained between them, with Cobbe often critically reviewing Mill’s work. When The Subjection of Women (1869) was published, she anticipated the backlash he would receive.

Her religious belief guided her philosophy. On the topics of morals, Kantian moral theory underpinned a lot of her thinking. Cobbe differs from Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) in that she was a heteronomous thinker, as in she thinks moral laws come from a different place than the self, they must come from a god. She also differs to Kant on the status of animals, he placed them as sentient beings but below humans in a hierarchy. Cobbe follows Kant on insisting that we have to believe in an afterlife, where an unending moral progression takes place, in order for people to maintain good morals during their lives. Happiness and virtue being proportioned.

Although Cobbe’s philosophy was some of the first (by a woman) to make it to print, it wasn’t as if women philosophers had never existed in Britain before. For Cobbe, some of the ground had been set by the pioneering Enlightenment philosopher Mary Wollstonecraft (1759-1797) in the 18th century. She argued that women are naturally equal to men in reason and capacity, proposing that perceived inferiority stemmed from lack of education and societal oppression. Her philosophy advocated for rational education, political rights for women, and a society based on virtue rather than aristocratic or gender-based hierarchies.

Cobbe never mentions having read Wollstonecraft, but she had set a ball rolling at a societal level for women to write philosophy (and for it to be taken seriously). Wollstonecraft’s contributions were unfortunately cut short at the age of 38, when she died giving birth to her daughter, the writer Mary Shelley.

To get a strong idea of Cobbe’s moral philosophy look at, What Is Progress and Are We Progressing? (1863). In it, she argues that true human advancement is measured by the growth of empathy and moral sentiment, not by industrial or scientific expansion. She contends that 19th century society was experiencing a moral decline, highlighted by a lack of compassion and the rise of “scientific” cruelty (like vivisection).

In our collections

The books by Cobbe held at the John Rylands Library were early purchases under Enriqueta Rylands‘ (1843-1908) stewardship, during the forming of our foundational collections. Many purchases were made of theological printed books (especially Christian non-conformist), but also, which is lesser known, many which related to the supernatural, seemingly a personal choice of Enriqueta. As Cobbe’s writings related to both theology and the supernatural (or life after death), in places, it is not a surprise to see her work being included in these early purchasing moves by the library.

For example, in The Hopes of the Human Race: Hereafter and Here (1874), Cobbe produces a book delving into thoughts around life after death, including musings on the supernatural. In terms of this book’s placement on the shelf in our library, it was purchased and bound together with a number of other theological and literary works. The early book purchases for the library were guided by very conscious efforts to capture the greatest works of the day on each subject. So for Cobbe to feature in these purchases indicates how high-in-esteem her work was in the minds of (late) Victorian book sellers, publishers and librarians.

The further material, held at the University of Manchester’s Main Library are those which form part of the Unitarian College Printed Collection and are mostly essays by Cobbe, often bound in with work from other essayists of the time, or published as standalone books for her longer works. Most have been printed by Emily Faithfull (1835-1895), a women’s rights activist who set up the Victoria Press in 1860. Albeit not without its difficulties:

‘Tricks of a most unmanly nature were resorted to, their frames and stools were covered with ink to destroy their dresses unawares, the letters were mixed up in their boxes, and the cases were emptied of “sorts.” The men who were induced to come into the office to work the presses and teach the girls, had to assume false names to avoid detection, as the printers’ union forbade their aiding the obnoxious scheme’.

– Emily Faithfull

_{Portrait of Emily Faithfull from Carte de visite album (1860-1880) Reference: VPH.332
Mary Taylor: The first duty of women. A series of articles reprinted from the Victoria Magazine. 1865 to 1870. Title page. London, Emily Faithfull, Victoria Press, 1870.}

We also hold a series of letters from Cobbe to William Edward Armytage Axon (1846–1913) – a librarian in Manchester Free Libraries (1861–74), and a journalist on the staff of the Manchester Guardian (1874–1905). The pair mostly discuss vivisection, temperance and vegetarianism. From these exchanges, we see that Cobbe wasn’t a vegetarian and didn’t believe in temperance, she mentions the good qualities of wine; ‘at the correct time and in its proper quantities’. Their minds did meet around anti-vivisection however.

_{Letter from Frances Power Cobbe to W.E.A. Axon from the Axon Papers}

Legacy

Make no mistake, Frances Power Cobbe was a well-known name in her day. There is however an unfortunate strand of irony at the heart of her story. Which is that, the very strengths she wielded to good use to get her work out there, were then potentially used as reasons to diminish or forget her work after her death. Namely her sexuality (due to societal homophobia), her privileged background (during a century, the 20th, where society’s focus was mostly on working-class and labour movements achieving great gains) and her faith (during an era of secular, scientific discovery). Or as Cobbe herself put it, ‘the powers and limitations of one of my sex and class in the era which is now drawing to a close.’

This dropping-out of her work from popular consumption, from the early part of the 20th century to now, disrupted its natural progression as a body of thought. Meaning, she has not been remembered amongst the names of prominent European philosophers or religious thinkers, nor has she been fully recognised as a notable figure within women’s suffrage. It’s naturally open to debate whether or not her ideas hold enough worth to be considered in decent or high regard, but in order for that collective judgement to be made, her work first of all has to be known about and made available.

There is a scrappy patchwork of her dotted in places. For example, her name and likeness (alongside those of 58 other women’s suffrage activists) are on the plinth of the statue of Millicent Fawcett in Parliament Square, London, unveiled in 2018. Her name is also listed (as F. Power Cobbe) on the Reformers’ Memorial in Kensal Green Cemetery in London. Although still there today, the column was however erected in 1885, when Cobbe was at the height of her recognition.

Writer and critic, Margaret Oliphant (1828-1897) in The Victorian Age of English Literature (1892), when discussing philosophy, said ‘There are few ladies to be found among these ranks, but the name of Miss Frances Power Cobbe may be mentioned as that of a clear writer and profound thinker.’ Her philosophical contribution is now being rediscovered as part of the recovery of women in the history of philosophy.

With the challenges our contemporary world is facing, there is no riper time for the work of Cobbe to resurface and offer some guidance. With attempted rollbacks on the rights and safety of women, a rise in gender-based violence, attempts to limit bodily autonomy, the continued horrors of racism and a dire relationship with nature (climate catastrophe, animal cruelty and mass farming), Cobbe would view this scene and wonder if much had changed since her times. At least we can find solace in her words and inspiration from her actions.

When it comes to the taking on of knowledge, it isn’t always a case of acquiring entirely new information: it is more often a case of re-remembering things, which were once known by societies but which have dropped out of memory. This is certainly the case with the life and work of Cobbe. This article at least goes some small way towards re-entering Cobbe into the public’s mind. Anyone curious about her thoughts on life and the world can access the works of hers which we hold.

---

Thanks to Professor Stephen Milner for providing the initial inspiration for this article, with further thanks to Dr. Sarah-Joy Ford and Jane Speller for their help in editing it.

Bibliography

Female Masculinity by Jack Halberstam, Durham: Duke University Press, 1998.

Mary Carpenter, Frances Power Cobbe, “Noble Workers,” and Evangelical Discourse in Action by Alison Booth, Cambridge University Press, 2024.

Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women’s Suffrage Movement by Wendy L. Rouse, New York: NYU Press, 2022.

Rise Up, Women! The Remarkable Lives of the Suffragettes by Diane Atkinson, London: Bloomsbury, 2018.

Talks from the National LGBT History Festival: Hilary McCollum on ‘Sapphic Suffragettes’ podcast by Hilary McCollum, The National Archives, 2017.

The Persistent Desire: A Femme-Butch Reader by Joan Nestle, Boston: Alyson Publications, 1992.

Unsuitable: A History of Lesbian Fashion by Eleanor Medhurst, London: Hurst & Company, 2024.

Victorian Feminists by Barbara Caine, New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.

---